Public office isn’t ‘mom-friendly.’ Women lawmakers are changing that.

When Democratic lawmaker Elizabeth Bennett-Parker made the almost two-hour drive last spring to the Virginia state Capitol for a legislative session, she insisted her husband come with her – in case she went into labor. Although it was only a month until her due date, staying home wasn’t an option. A positive COVID-19 test would have allowed her to participate online, but early labor wouldn’t cut it.   

Now, she’s trying to change that. 

“A 405-year-old institution should occasionally examine itself,” she said in a speech on the Virginia House floor, in which she proposed a commission to modernize the legislature, including expanding options for remote voting. 

Women like Ms. Bennett-Parker with minor-age children make up 18% of the U.S. population but only 7% of those in Congress and an even lower share of those serving in state legislatures. By contrast, 1 in 4 members of Congress are fathers of minors. According to a Pew Research Center poll last year, nearly half of American women point to family duties as a “major reason” there are fewer women than men in high political office.

To change that dynamic, female legislators across the country are advocating for policies like on-site day care, higher wages, and the ability to use campaign funds for child care — policies they say will allow more mothers to make their voices heard in government.

“The more we talk about these issues and the things that hold women back both from running and serving, the more we start to normalize what it looks like to be a mom running and serving,” says Liuba Grechen Shirley, founder and CEO of Vote Mama, a mothers-in-government advocacy group based in New York City. 

Those who support making it easier for mothers to serve in government say they bring a critical perspective to legislation on issues like pregnancy, child care, and the education system. 

“Mothers of young children have been underrepresented, and so that means that important policy issues that affect so many people in the community are just not getting addressed,” says Jean Sinzdak, an associate director of the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University. 

Moms with young children have been increasingly in the spotlight in Congress. In 2018, Democratic Rep. Katie Porter became the first single mother elected to the House of Representatives, and Democratic Sen. Tammy Duckworth of Illinois became the first member of the Senate to give birth while in office.

This year, Republican Sen. Katie Britt of Alabama emphasized her role as a mother in her State of the Union rebuttal, and Reps. Anna Paulina Luna of Florida and Sara Jacobs of California introduced a bipartisan bill in January to allow women to vote by proxy up to six weeks after giving birth. Their bill – prompted by Ms. Luna’s personal experience – is unprecedented in Congress.

Legislative work, whether in state capitols or in Washington, can pose unique challenges for mothers. Commutes can take hours, and the daily schedule is often unpredictable. Only Alaska’s state capitol, in Juneau, provides in-house child care. And only one state, Colorado, offers lawmakers paid parental leave – largely because of the advocacy of Democratic Rep. Brittany Pettersen, a former state representative and mother of one. 

In New York, a record number of mothers are now serving in the state legislature and have banded together in what they informally call the “Mom Squad.” Members collaborate on policy affecting mothers and children – and sometimes watch each other’s kids during the workday, a practice New York Rep. Jessica González-Rojas calls a “lifeline.” 

In Vermont, former Rep. Emma Mulvaney-Stanak introduced a novel bill last year that would allow legislators of all genders to be reimbursed for child care. 

Ms. Shirley founded Vote Mama in 2018 after she lost her New York congressional race, but became the first candidate in a federal election to win approval to put campaign funds toward child care expenses. Since then, her organization has worked with other mothers to legalize using campaign funds for child care in 29 states – and saw the use of those funds increase by 2,156% between 2018 and 2022. 

These efforts are being spearheaded and largely supported by Democrats, partly because 73% of moms with minor children who serve in state governments are, in fact, Democrats. But there’s growing evidence of bipartisan support. 

Forty percent of all federal funds that women spent on child care between 2018 and 2022 was used by Republicans. And conservatives like Representative Luna, who’s advocating to let new mothers vote by proxy, or Georgia state Sen. Ricky Williams, who’s supporting a bill to let parents with young kids skip to the front of voting lines, cite their own children as the reason they support parent-friendly policies. 

Still, some say changes are coming too slowly. 

In 2018, then-candidate Josie Raymond’s advocacy helped make Kentucky the fourth state to allow mothers like herself to use campaign funds for child care. But the Democratic state legislator says too many mothers are overburdened by high child care costs. 

In Kentucky, the average annual cost of child care for 40 hours a week is $27,230. Last year, Ms. Raymond’s salary as a lawmaker – considered a part-time job – was $39,000. And that’s higher than in many states – including New Hampshire, where legislators have made $100 a year since 1889.

Paid family leave, set schedules, and on-site child care “feel so far off,” says Ms. Raymond.

Another Kentucky representative, Lindsey Burke, has been breastfeeding her infant son from her car outside the state Capitol. A lactation room was installed last year, but it’s nowhere near her office building or the House floor.

But for Ms. Burke, knowing she may be able to shape legislation that might one day benefit her son makes all the challenges worth it. “Being a mother is the reason I’ve chosen to stay in government.”