The US and Syria: a love-hate relationship
A couple of years ago, when Secretary of State George Shultz was in Damascus, the Syrians put on one of those grand official luncheons that foreign ministers stage to impress other foreign ministers. The Americans sat on one side of a long table, the Syrians on the other. In between lay platters and trays of exotic Syrian food. Waiters thrust ever more delectable delicacies upon the guests.
While most Syrians and Americans did their best to taste each dish, Abdel Halim Khaddam waved each one aside. Then Syria's foreign minister, now vice-president, he was a particularly combative spokesman for Syria, perhaps one of the toughest foreign ministers Mr. Shultz had ever met. But to him was brought a lone platter of wispy material that looked suspiciously like watercress and shredded grass.
Shultz noted that the foreign minister was passing up the good food. Yes, said Mr. Khaddam, he believed that forsaking meat made one ``more peaceful.''
Shultz paused for a second or two, then poker-faced asked: ``How's it working out?''
This little vignette in a way symbolizes the relationship between Syria and the United States: contentious, antagonistic, suspicious, but one in which the amenities are preserved during feint and counterfeint as both sides explore the possibility of a more temperate association.
The helpfulness of Syrian President Assad in freeing the TWA hostages has injected a new note of irony into the relationship.
On the one hand, Syria is believed by many American officials to be up to its elbows in various terrorist activities. The State Department's latest annual human rights report accuses Syria of providing sanctuary to Arab terrorist groups such as Black June. Syria continues to permit an Iranian Revolutionary Guard presence in Syria and in Syrian-controlled parts of Lebanon. The State Department also cites reports of at least indirect Syrian involvement in the 1983 bombing of the American Embassy in Beirut and the bombing of the marines' barracks at Beirut airport.
On the other hand, as a result of President Assad's intercession with the TWA hijackers, the US owes Syria a debt of gratitude, and President Reagan has expressed that appreciation to President Assad.
More irony: On the one hand, Syria has frustrated and hobbled American efforts to bring peace to the Middle East. But on the other hand, by demonstrating himself to be a man with influence who can get things done in Lebanon, President Assad may have dealt himself a strong hand in the closely held card game for power and peace in the Middle East.
President Reagan carefully omitted President Assad from his lineup of Looney Tunes leaders this week. Mr. Assad may yet have a role to play in freeing the seven American hostages still held in Lebanon.
But despite Mr. Assad's current helpfulness, we should be under no illusions about his toughness, his motivation, or his aims. He talks fondly and at length about Lebanon's former integration with Syria, and he seeks to dominate Lebanon at least politically.
He seeks to destroy Yasser Arafat, for fear the Palestine Liberation Organization leader will cut a deal with Jordan to recognize Israel.
He strives, for similar reasons, to terrorize Jordan's King Hussein. New reports have Syria withdrawing troops from Lebanon, perhaps for use on the Golan Heights, but perhaps to confront Jordan.
He works vigorously to thwart peace scenarios so far advanced by the United States.
He is frenzied in his detestation of Israel.
He is indebted to the Soviet Union for its arming of his forces, and their rearming after their contests with Israel.
All this is in the baggage President Assad is carrying as he prepares for whatever new relationship Washington may have in mind.
It is well to remember that he is acting out of self-interest, not the United States' interest.
John Hughes is a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist who was assistant secretary of state from 1982 to 1984.
