Andrew Harnik/AP

President Joe Biden arrives to speak about turmoil in the banking system in the Roosevelt Room of the White House in Washington, March 13, 2023. On Friday, he urged Congress to take actions aimed at strengthening accountability for senior bank executives.

In his first two years as president, Joe Biden surprised and delighted the progressive wing of the Democratic Party.

Early on, he enacted the American Rescue Plan, a nearly $2 trillion economic stimulus law aimed at pandemic relief. He signed a $1.2 trillion infrastructure package and the first gun control legislation in decades. He is attempting a massive student debt relief initiative, now before the Supreme Court. And last August, he signed landmark climate change and health care legislation.

“Biden has gone left wing,” conservatives essentially screamed from the sidelines. 

Against this backdrop, President Biden has taken a series of recent steps that counter the liberal narrative: He OK’d a major oil drilling project in Alaska. He rolled out a budget heavy in deficit reduction. He helped Congress overturn a crime bill passed by Washington, D.C., countering the city’s statehood movement. And he is reportedly considering reinstating a Trump-era practice of detaining migrant families that cross the southern border illegally. 

What gives? In fact, none of these latest moves should come as a surprise, say longtime Biden-watchers. As a decadeslong Washington fixture, both in the Senate and as vice president, he was a creature of the middle, often willing to work across the aisle and make deals. 

“This has been his real strength throughout his career,” says Seth Masket, a political scientist at the University of Denver. “He always manages to find whatever the center of the Democratic Party is, and kind of be there.” 

The “center,” of course, is an ever-evolving place, depending on where the two parties stand. And today, amid intense political polarization, it has grown smaller and harder to define, as the parties themselves sort out sharp internal disagreements. 

Historically, Mr. Biden has at times pushed the envelope in a liberal direction, as in 2012, when he endorsed same-sex marriage before his then-boss, President Barack Obama. In the other direction, Mr. Biden famously once had good relationships with segregationists, and as chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1991, he gave short shrift to charges of sexual harassment against then-Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas.

Marcy Nightswander/AP/File

Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Joe Biden speaks to members of a panel scheduled to testify during nomination hearings for Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court, on Capitol Hill in Washington, Oct. 14, 1991. From left: Anna Jenkins (looking down), Nancy Altman, Pamela Talkin, Patricia Johnson, and Linda Jackson.

Now, Mr. Biden seems to be getting ready for an expected 2024 reelection campaign, and with no sign that he will face major opposition for the Democratic presidential nomination, he can focus his messaging right at mainstream general election voters. 

That reality may well be playing out as the president grapples with turmoil in the banking industry, sparked by the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank. On Friday, Mr. Biden urged Congress to take actions aimed at strengthening accountability for senior bank executives. 

“Him signaling that he favors more regulation and that the Republicans are keeping us from it – that seems like pretty good election positioning right there,” says Professor Masket, author of the book “Learning From Loss: The Democrats, 2016-2020.” 

While calls for more banking regulation seem in line with the public’s lack of trust in financial institutions since the 2008-2009 economic crisis, other new elements of Mr. Biden’s agenda could risk alienating the activist left – those who don’t just vote but also work to get out the vote and perform other vital party functions. 

This week, climate activists staged protests against the Biden-approved plan to allow ConocoPhillips to drill in federal land in Alaska. And if the Biden administration goes ahead with renewed migrant family detentions, expect more protests from relevant interest groups. 

So far, the goodwill that Mr. Biden has built up with progressives seems to be standing him in good stead – and may have even won him a bit of forbearance as he tacks toward the center.

“We very clearly continue to see Biden as the people’s president,” says Rahna Epting, executive director of MoveOn.org. “First of all, he received more than 80 million votes in 2020. We know that he has a wide range of constituencies that he has to be mindful of.”

And what of the recent departure of White House chief of staff Ron Klain, a decadeslong Biden aide who was a fixture on Twitter and seen as a White House emissary to the left? Mr. Klain was replaced by Jeff Zients, touted for his executive ability but who is less politically oriented. 

Jose Luis Gonzalez/Reuters

Camila Paz, a Venezuelan migrant, takes part in a protest at the Paso del Norte international bridge regarding asylum requests in the United States, as seen from Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, March 12, 2023. President Joe Biden is reportedly considering reinstating a Trump-era practice of detaining migrant families that cross the southern border illegally.

That observation reflects an “inside the Beltway” mindset, Ms. Epting says, and ignores more important context: The Democrats no longer control both houses of Congress, having lost the House in November’s midterm elections. 

“It’s a different governing moment,” Ms. Epting says. “The administration is likely pivoting toward campaigning, more so than trying to drive a legislative agenda in Congress.” 

She also expresses confidence that Mr. Biden’s remaining top advisers know what they’re doing. Many of them are veterans of both “Biden world” and past Democratic White Houses. 

Expect, too, to hear a lot of this “Bidenism” – “Don’t compare me to the Almighty. Compare me to the alternative.” – as he prepares to run again in 2024, potentially against former President Donald Trump.

To longtime moderate Democratic activist Jim Kessler, a co-founder of the group Third Way, Mr. Biden is simply moving to where Americans are on key issues, including crime and immigration. 

“I put those at the top of the list,” Mr. Kessler says. “Democrats have been saddled by the far-left slogans of ‘defund the police’ and ‘abolish ICE,’” he adds, referring to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

“If you’re in a cobalt blue district, you can just shrug those off,” he says. “But if you need to win the middle of America, ideologically, then you need to take corrective action.” 

Dozens of women in fancy attire show up for a perfume launch in the center of Ukraine’s third-largest city. Alex Radyan picked Odesa to present two new fragrances with floral undertones named after a patriotic song, Chervona Kalyna.

“I know what it is to lose, and that gives me strength to start again,” says Mr. Radyan, CEO of Jan Niche Concept, which sold foreign perfumes before Russia waged full-scale war on Ukraine. The determination to save jobs in a teetering economy motivated Mr. Radyan to try his hand at local production.

He knows the risks. Russia’s shelling of the city of Kharkiv last March destroyed one of Mr. Radyan’s stores. The footage of shattered interiors on his phone serves as a vivid reminder of vulnerability. Shifting front lines are another danger. Previously, when Russia annexed territories in eastern Ukraine in 2014, he lost another store, one he dreams of reopening soon.

“It’s waiting for me,” he says with a smile, showing his confidence in the Ukrainian army.

Despite the fancy soirees like these – with drinks and appetizer trays fit for a Paris vernissage – sandbags still shield monuments and buildings across the city. Corkboards seal windows along the main boulevards. Antitank obstacles abound.

Dominique Soguel

The beaches of Odesa, once packed with tourists, stand empty on March 3, 2023. Swimming in the Black Sea was forbidden last summer due to concerns over sea mines.

But with winter and blackouts behind it and spring spreading warmth and optimism, Odesa’s business community is now abuzz with weekend product launches and networking events for those bold enough to stay and start new ventures.

“People feel a bit tired, but they are also optimistic,” says Olena Pidopryhora, co-leader of the Odesa branch of the Business Community Board, a national organization that has about 100 members in this port city dubbed the Pearl of the Black Sea. “They are trying to reshape their business, to reopen to find something new.”

“Our life doesn’t stop, it just changes”

It’s not an auspicious time to do business by any metric.

Russia’s war on Ukraine has forced thousands of businesses to close or relocate. Countless companies have been reduced to rubble by missiles and shelling. A February survey by the American Chamber of Commerce in Ukraine and McKinsey & Company found that 47% of companies experienced a decrease in sales greater than 30% due to the war, and 4% were forced to stop operations.

But that survey also found about 15% of businesses have grown in 2022 despite the challenges. Some large companies have shifted production lines to make war materiel, like drones. Among small and medium enterprises, the changes are more subtle. But even small tweaks mark an act of resistance, one rooted in a sense of duty and faith in a near-term victory over Russia by Ukrainian forces, as much as the imperative of making ends meet.

“Our life doesn’t stop, it just changes,” says Ms. Pidopryhora. Nearly 20% of Odesa’s businesses have relocated either to western Ukraine or Europe, while another 20% closed, she estimates. The remaining 60% survive in different forms, and some are even operating quite successfully.

One of those is run by Olena Palianychko, who learned the art of hat-making from her grandfather. The family business, which runs a workshop of 10 people and a shop in Odesa, shut down on Feb. 24, 2022, the first day of the war. But by March 8, with orders still coming in, they got back to work.

Dominique Soguel

Olena Palianychko poses in her hat shop in Odesa, Ukraine, March, 4, 2023. She learned the art of hat-making from her father.

“Last year was profitable,” she says. “We had a lot of orders before the new year. But the [winter] blackouts were very difficult. ... The flow of clients to the store dropped. When the lights came back [in January], people returned because they wanted something beautiful. Ukrainian women like to dress well even during the war.”

Sales have dropped, of course. The workshop made over 100 hats monthly prewar, compared with 30 now, but this did not stop her from seizing the chance to move her shop to a larger, two-floor building. She chips into the war effort by donating thousands of camouflage caps to the army.

Ms. Pidopryhora of the business club says social responsibility coupled with trust keeps Odesa afloat. When the war started, businesspeople proved their mettle by funding and structuring volunteer efforts ranging from making tank traps to running food kitchens.

“Businesses have to work, otherwise they die”

Then the focus shifted to adapting supply chains.

Six months into the war – once the shock lost its sting – Dmytro Rogachov weighed his options. Drawing on 17 years of experience in the logistics sector, he analyzed the market and crunched a half-year budget. He launched his company in December, and by February, he had secured enough profits from imports and exports to cover six months of operational costs.

“There is no reason to get depressed,” says Mr. Rogachov, noting logistics have become smoother with the increased use of river ports and land borders to Europe, since Russian warships halted regular traffic on the Black Sea. Ukraine is again sending apples to the Arab world and its supermarket shelves are full. “I believe in the power of Ukraine. I think we will win this war.”

Many in the city are banking on a bright summer. They count on a decent flow of short-term domestic – if not international – tourists. Construction workers embellish coastal night clubs expecting a return of business even if curfews have shifted the social clock forward and seagrass now grows on almost empty beaches.

“More and more venues will be open,” predicts Ivan Liptuga, president of the Odesa Tourism Association. “Small and medium businesses have to work, otherwise they die. We have a dilemma: What to do? Continue waiting for the victory and die of hunger? Or slowly start to recover your business to save jobs?”

Dominique Soguel

Oleh Ivanov, manager of 2.12, a cafe-by-morning and cocktail-bar-by-night joint in Odesa, poses at the bar on March 4, 2023.

The optimism is palpable at 2.12, a cafe-by-morning and cocktail-bar-by-night joint that opened in December. “Cocktail bars in Odesa are almost dead because of the curfews,” says Oleh Ivanov, the manager. “This is a hard time for our people, so we want to do something good. ... Our aim is to be an island of calm, positive pleasure.”

Last year was hard on the Ribas Hotel Group, but its CEO remains confident about the long-term future. Only 10 of its 26 hotels remain open now. The business model changed to cater for short-term rentals favored by displaced people and international organizations. That brought 20% of profits relative to 2021.

“The fact that we had profits is good already – we didn’t expect that,” says the group’s CEO and founder, Artur Lupashko. “You had two choices at the start of the war: leave or stay. Those who stayed had to move forward and do things. The sit-and-wait mentality is rare among businesspeople.”

Oleksandr Naselenko supported reporting for this story.

Two new films are going head to head in theaters across the Philippines this month, both claiming to be based on verifiable and documented evidence but offering dramatically different versions of the country’s dark period of martial law.

“Oras de Peligro” (Time of Danger) combines archival footage with dramatization to depict the final days of the 1986 People Power Revolution, focusing on the perspective of a regular, working-class family who suffered under the regime of former President Ferdinand Marcos.

“Martyr or Murderer” delves into the experiences of his daughter, Sen. Maria Imelda Josefa “Imee” Marcos, who is also the film’s creative producer. It spans from her father’s days as a young politician through the family’s life post-ouster, and paints an unflattering picture of former Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, whose 1983 assassination helped spur the uprising. 

“Oras de Peligro” and “Martyr or Murderer” have each been criticized for distorting the truth, reflecting a deep schism in Filipinos’ understanding of how the martial law period actually unfolded and the people at its center. It’s a divide highlighted by the rise of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., whose 2022 election victory was seen by many as the culmination of a decadeslong rehabilitation campaign by the Marcos family, which sought to downplay the atrocities committed under their patriarch.

Francisco Jayme Guiang from the University of the Philippines’ history department, says the films “offer two different things – the perspective of the big names in Philippine history, and the perspective of ordinary Filipinos.”

“But the question is, are these perspectives honest, right, and factual?” he says. “One thing that is good with these kinds of movies getting in cinemas, is that this period of history is being talked about. We can see the discourse. Our interpretation of the past is being contested, particularly during the period of the military rule of Marcos Sr.”

Aaron Favila/AP/File

Shortly after President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. took office, Joel Lamangan (second from left) and other activists demonstrated in Quezon city, Philippines, July 21, 2022, to prevent a repeat of the abuses committed under Mr. Marcos Jr.'s father. Mr. Lamangan's new film, “Oras de Peligro” (Time of Danger), combines archival footage with dramatization to depict life during the senior Mr. Marcos' rule.

Battle of narratives

While “Oras de Peligro” director Joel Lamangan has said his film has “no intention to criticize or favor” any political figure, observers consider it a clear rebuttal to “Martyr or Murderer,” which is the second installment in a trilogy of pro-Marcos films directed by Darryl Yap, the first being “Maid in Malacañang” (2022).

The country is witnessing “a battle of narratives,” says Karl Patrick Suyat, head of Project Gunita, a digital repository of books, magazines, and newspaper clippings that shine a light on martial law injustices. 

“It is not really a battle of facts,” says the archivist, who has seen both movies. “It is how filmmakers package these facts in the form of propaganda.”

Historians have long sounded alarms over the Marcos family’s aggressive use of any platform, from social media to TV interviews, to promote their own version of history. But political scientist Antonio Contreras argues in his Manila Times column that “Oras de Peligro” also fits the propaganda bill. What “heightens the element of propaganda” in that film, he explains, “is the suggestion that the suffering of the family was unique to the period as if it was only martial law and Marcos that can inflict such injustice.”

And at least in the box office, the pro-Marcos narrative is winning. “Martyr or Murderer” reportedly earned between $145,000 to $271,000 U.S. dollars on its first showing day, compared to around $9,000 in ticket sales of its rival, which also opened on March 1. Its success is at least partly due to the fact that “Martyr or Murderer” is playing in more than 250 cinemas compared to the 108 of the anti-dictatorship film. “Martyr or Murderer” has also debuted in several foreign countries.

Alvi Siongco, one of the “Oras de Peligro” producers, says his team is planning to release the film internationally, but promoting it in the Philippines is their priority.

“This film is about the truth and truth is our weapon. People must use this weapon against any attempt to distort history, especially now that there are people who are using art or films to spread disinformation. And we cannot allow that to flourish,” he says.

Andy Hernandez/AP/File

Throngs of people walk with the coffin of the late Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino through the streets of downtown Manila, Aug. 31, 1983. The former senator's assassination helped spark the People Power Revolution which ultimately ousted President Ferdinand Marcos in 1986.

Facts versus fiction

On a recent Sunday afternoon, a lighthearted family outing to see “Martyr or Murderer” ended in a heated argument at a Manila mall, with Jasper Calderon insisting to his father that there was “no evidence” linking Mr. Aquino to the country’s communist rebels, an unfounded claim repeated by Marcos allies and aimed at tarnishing Mr. Aquino’s legacy.

“The movie has shown the proof,” his father bellowed, throwing out his hands for emphasis. 

Neither Jasper nor his father are staunch supporters of any political family, but they have two colliding interpretations of the film. The elder Mr. Calderon was convinced that “Martyr or Murderer” was an honest portrayal of the period, whereas his son, a marketing executive in Quezon City, took issue with how it presented “new claims without providing enough context.” 

“I watched the film because I really wanted to hear the Marcos family’s side of the story,” he says, “but there are claims shown in the movie that needed context and hard proof, especially claims against Ninoy,” or Mr. Aquino.

In the film, Mr. Aquino is presented as self-absorbed and sexist. The filmmakers also used Mr. Aquino’s wife and former President Corazon “Cory” Aquino’s own words during her interview with Vanity Fair in 1988. “My husband, well, he was a male chauvinist,” she told the magazine.

As much as these films may spark interest in Philippine history, experts worry about viewers taking them at face value.

“People have a tendency to believe whatever is presented in a film that claims to be … about history,” says Professor Guiang, from the University of the Philippines.

Ultimately these movies are “creative works,” says Francis Gealogo, a historian from Ateneo de Manila University and a former commissioner of the National Historical Commission of the Philippines. “There is a difference between a historical film and a period film.” 

For his part, Jasper Calderon welcomes films like “Martyr or Murderer” and “Oras de Peligro,” warts and all. He thinks they ought to be shown to a wider audience for free. 

“Let them spark debate and discord,” he says. “It is only through a conflict of perspectives and narratives, even with our own family or community, that truth reveals itself.”

Quiet, calm, and order pervade the deep interior spaces of Johannes Vermeer’s paintings. Light pours in from windows, illuminating his subjects going about their daily tasks, heads bent over their work. Vermeer creates a sense of familiarity and comfort even for viewers today, some 350 years after his death.

“Vermeer,” a sold-out exhibition at the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam running through early June, is a testament to his enormous, ongoing popularity. The show gathers 28 of an estimated 37 known paintings by the artist; it’s the first time this grouping has been seen together in one venue. Beyond a single exhibition, however, Vermeer’s work also influences a host of contemporary artists, who are riffing on, and engaging with, familiar Vermeer images such as “Girl With a Pearl Earring.”

Museumgoers today resonate with the intimate worlds Vermeer depicted, which provide small windows into 17th-century domestic life.

“He created interiors that breathed tranquility,” says Taco Dibbits, general director of the Rijksmuseum, noting that at the time Vermeer was painting, the Netherlands was engaged in war with a number of countries. “Every brushstroke was a decision by him to create his ideal world. It’s his longing for peace and tranquility that we also feel nowadays. That’s what makes us love his work so much.”

The designers of the new exhibit had that feeling in mind, too: The paintings are given plenty of room to breathe. After experiencing the 10 galleries, viewers reflect on the appeal of the Dutch artist. 

“I’m very drawn to how Vermeer works with natural light from the outside to illuminate a scene,” says Amsterdam resident Juliana Hesseling. “I also appreciate the fact that he depicts ordinary people, not clergy or nobility.”

Vermeer is known to have worked at a slow pace compared to his peers, producing no more than two or three paintings in a year, and an estimated 50 paintings over his 20-year career as an artist.

Courtesy of Rijksmuseum

Most of Vermeer’s subjects were women, including the one above in “The Milkmaid” (1658-59).

A majority of his subjects are women. But with little known about them, it’s left to viewers to imagine their backgrounds. That’s exactly what author Tracy Chevalier did when she penned the 1999 bestseller “Girl With a Pearl Earring.”

“I’ve written a whole book about the look the girl in the painting is giving us,” she says via email, “yet I still don’t know what she’s thinking!” 

Art aficionados and creatives of all kinds say they are attracted to Vermeer’s intricately detailed compositions, which often leave the impression of a photograph. Included in the Rijksmuseum exhibit are “The Milkmaid,” “The Geographer,” and “Mistress and Maid.” Also on view is the recently restored “Girl Reading a Letter at an Open Window.” 

“Vermeer’s paintings have a dignity that is not found in the works of his contemporaries, despite the thematic similarities,” Arthur Wheelock, senior advisor to the Leiden Collection in New York, writes in an email.

“Aside from the visual qualities of Vermeer’s work, part of his appeal lies undoubtedly in the mystery surrounding him,” adds Dr. Wheelock, who was previously a curator of northern baroque paintings at the National Gallery of Art in Washington and an art history professor. “We know little of Vermeer’s artistic training in Delft, and how he developed his unique style of painting.”

Often referred to as the Sphinx of Delft, Vermeer did not leave behind any letters, diaries, sketches, or drawings.

A few centuries later, Black artists have interpreted one of his most iconic works for a modern era – often to prompt discussion about representation and race. A 2007 painting by American portraitist Kehinde Wiley, “Cheick I,” features a Black man wearing a small earring and a baseball cap staring back at the viewer. 

GEMÄLDEGALERIE ALTE MEISTER/COURTESY OF RIJKSMUSEUM

Vermeer often placed his subjects near natural light, as in the image above, “Girl Reading a Letter at an Open Window” (1657-58).

Ethiopia-born multimedia artist Awol Erizku, who now lives in the United States, is perhaps best known for his photos of celebrities like Beyoncé and Amanda Gorman. But his portfolio also includes a 2009 photograph of a young Black woman in a headscarf, titled “Girl With a Bamboo Earring.” 

Emphasizing the role of Mr. Erizku’s work, Steven Nelson, dean of the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts at the National Gallery of Art in Washington has commented, “These portraits, which force us to look at the work of the Old Masters through a black, diasporic lens, challenge Western art history’s almost blinding whiteness.”

The recent project “Noire Vermeer,” from Amsterdam-based artist Angèle Etoundi Essamba, has additional relevance, as this year marks 150 years since slavery fully ended in Dutch colonies. Ms. Essamba, who says she is fascinated with the “central place” Vermeer gave to women, has interpreted his famous painting into sculpture, a video installation, and a series of photographs called “Girl With an Amber Earring,” with Black women as the focus. 

“With ‘Noire Vermeer,’ I’m showing a Black Woman who stares at us, free and self-confident,” writes the Cameroon-born artist in an email. “She claims her right to look, to be different, to shine, to exist.” 

Also true of these contemporary works is something American novelist Katharine Weber appreciates in Vermeer paintings – that the gaze of the subjects often rests “on something we do not see.” 

Ms. Weber, whose 1998 book “The Music Lesson” is inspired by Vermeer, writes via email that the artist “has opened these private moments of solitude to our view.” 

Reuters

A Saudi woman plays an oud at an exhibition during Saudi Flag Day celebrations in Riyadh, March 11.

One of the world’s dangerous powder kegs was partly defused last week. After seven years of estrangement and conflict in the Middle East, Iran and Saudi Arabia renewed official ties March 10. Each had different strategic reasons for the diplomatic detente in a very volatile region. Yet their leaders share one important necessity on the home front: They are each trying to meet the aspirations of a demographic bulge of people under 30 who have a recent history of protests for freedom on the streets or on social media.

As Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan al-Saud tweeted after the mutual recognition, both countries must now work together to “build a model of prosperity and stability.”

Of the two, Saudi Arabia remains far ahead in creating opportunities for youth. That explains why Iran was more eager to renew ties, relying on three countries – Iraq, Oman, and lately China – to mediate the agreement. Last year, young Iranians erupted in protest after the death of a young woman following her arrest for improper head covering. The revolt was widespread and directed at ending clerical rule.

Since then, the regime has withdrawn its morality police, while many women defy the regime by not donning a hijab. Iran’s economy is in shambles. And officials are trying to end a series of chemical attacks on schoolgirls which, according to one theory, are driven by revenge on girls and women for leading the recent protests.

In sharp contrast, tens of thousands of young Saudis will gather this weekend for a giant music festival in Jeddah, one of many since 2019 at which men and women have danced together. This follows a slew of reforms since 2016 that include allowing women to drive, easing of the male guardianship system over women, ending the harsh role of religious police, and majorly improving education. The percentage of women in the workforce has more than doubled in the past five years.

“The Saudi leadership thinks they have no choice because they can’t develop a post-hydrocarbon economy without these liberalizations and turning Saudis from dependent subjects to wealth-producing citizens,” Hussein Ibish, a scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, told The Los Angeles Times.

Neither country comes close to being a democracy. Each still harshly represses political dissent. Yet each is inching toward social freedoms, demanded by young people who are more digitally connected than ever to each other and the world.

It was time the two neighbors at least open embassies in each other’s capitals. Perhaps officials can now share notes on what liberating values drive the next generation.