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Sometimes wake-up calls are important. As American politics shows us, the fight against climate change has its advocates and its detractors. But polls show most people are concerned. Most people say they want action.
In her story today, Stephanie Hanes reveals the limits to that sentiment. It’s not that people don’t care. It’s that they care about other things more, and they’re also not super excited about making sacrifices, surprisingly enough. It’s a reminder that Election Day is often the best gauge of what voters really want, not of what they say.
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The richest person in the world is taking aim at the federal bureaucracy, looking to cut waste and reduce regulations. Will Elon Musk bring real change or just a slew of conflicts of interest?
In his election night victory speech at Mar-a-Lago, President-elect Donald Trump heaped praise on a supporter he called a “super genius” and a “special guy.”
“We have a new star,” Mr. Trump announced. “Elon.”
Elon Musk, the largest shareholder of SpaceX and Tesla and the multibillionaire owner of the social media platform X and other tech companies, is no ordinary Trump backer. In the campaign’s closing weeks, Mr. Musk organized and bankrolled a get-out-the-vote operation for Mr. Trump and bombarded X users with pro-Trump content. He bestowed $1 million a day to reward individual swing-state voters who signed a petition supporting free speech and the right to bear arms.
Now, Mr. Trump is tapping Mr. Musk to take a sledgehammer to the federal bureaucracy. On Tuesday evening, the president-elect announced that the entrepreneur, along with former presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy, would lead a new Department of Government Efficiency, driving “large-scale structural reform” from “outside of Government.”
It’s a role Mr. Musk seems eager to take on, even as his influence stirs questions about conflicts of interest. Among other things, by some reports he has proposed that Mr. Trump appoint SpaceX executives to the Department of Defense.
In his election night victory speech at Mar-a-Lago, President-elect Donald Trump heaped praise on a supporter he called a “super genius” and a “special guy.”
“We have a new star,” Mr. Trump announced. “Elon.”
Elon Musk, the largest shareholder of SpaceX and Tesla and the multibillionaire owner of the social media platform X and other tech companies, is no ordinary Trump backer. In the campaign’s closing weeks, Mr. Musk organized and bankrolled a get-out-the-vote operation for Mr. Trump and bombarded X users with pro-Trump content. In swing states, he bestowed $1 million on one voter per day who signed a petition supporting free speech and the right to bear arms.
As Mr. Trump noted, Mr. Musk also brought his own brand of quirky star power, appearing on stage at rallies, providing a partial counterbalance to the flood of celebrity endorsements for Vice President Kamala Harris.
“To a lot of people, that’s Tony Stark,” Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman, a Democrat, told The New York Times last month, referring to the Marvel superhero. “That’s the world’s richest guy … and he’s saying, ‘Hey, that’s my guy for president.’” (Mr. Musk, in fact, had a brief cameo in Iron Man 2.)
Now, Mr. Trump is tapping Mr. Musk to take a sledgehammer to the federal bureaucracy. On Tuesday evening, the president-elect announced that the entrepreneur, along with former presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy, would lead a new Department of Government Efficiency, driving “large-scale structural reform” from “outside of Government.” Mr. Trump called it “The ‘Manhattan Project’ of our time.”
It’s a role Mr. Musk seems eager to take on, saying that he wants to cut $2 trillion in spending and that it’s time for “America’s A team” to reform the government. Mr. Musk has also vowed to keep funding pro-Trump candidates through his political action committee, which spent at least $130 million in 2024.
Beyond that new role, Mr. Musk appears to be influencing a wide range of issues. He has been seen at Mar-a-Lago nearly every day since Mr. Trump’s victory, weighing in on staffing decisions and other matters, according to CNN. Last week, Mr. Musk reportedly joined a phone call between Mr. Trump and Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, whose military depends on the Starlink internet service provided by Mr. Musk’s SpaceX satellites. By some reports, he has also proposed that Mr. Trump appoint SpaceX executives to the Department of Defense.
The overlap between Mr. Trump’s governing agenda and Mr. Musk’s business interests is raising concerns among some, given that SpaceX is a major contractor to NASA, the Department of Defense, and other security agencies. Before the Nov. 5 election, Mr. Musk wrote on X that “I have never asked @realDonaldTrump for any favors, nor has he offered me any.”
But Mr. Musk has repeatedly complained of “irrational regulations” that hold back innovation at his companies. Tesla is the subject of federal investigations into the safety of its self-driving technology. More broadly, the close embrace by Mr. Trump, a master of transactional politics, of the world’s richest man marks a new chapter in a modern era of billionaire-funded candidates pushing ethical boundaries.
“Musk and his businesses are going to reap extensive economic benefits from Trump’s presidency,” says Bruce Schulman, a political historian at Boston University. “I think Musk is going to receive favorable treatment from the federal government in regulatory matters.”
Mr. Musk’s risk-taking, no-limits approach to building successful companies – he camps out in his factories to ensure production hits targets – makes him stand out, even among the alpha males of Silicon Valley who jostle for visionary status. Critics also concede that his refusal to heed conventional wisdom makes him a potential disrupter to a federal government that has sprawled in scale and complexity under successive presidents.
Born in South Africa, he made his first fortune more than two decades ago at PayPal, whose co-founders included Peter Thiel, who first backed Trump in 2016. After PayPal, Mr. Musk directed his energies toward Tesla, whose electric cars would become popular, especially among liberals concerned about climate change. In 2010, the company received a $465 million loan from the Obama administration to build its first factory in California, a loan it repaid in three years with interest. It now has plants in Texas, Germany, and China and is valued at more than $1 trillion. After Mr. Trump’s victory, Tesla shares rose by 39%, boosting Mr. Musk’s net wealth to around $320 billion.
Analysts say Mr. Musk’s space rockets and satellites have succeeded as a result of innovation, private investment, and relentless experimentation, disrupting a defense industry that enjoyed cozy relations with federal agencies but has fallen behind its upstart competitor.
A decade ago, defense executives “looked at SpaceX and Elon Musk kind of mockingly,” says Todd Harrison, an expert on defense budgeting at the American Enterprise Institute. “Today, the same defense companies look at SpaceX with grudging respect.” Mr. Musk’s company has “done some pretty incredible things,” he says, and “defense executives would privately acknowledge that SpaceX is beating them, and beating them badly.”
Today, NASA relies on SpaceX to transport astronauts and equipment to the International Space Station. Mr. Musk’s company also has contracts with the Department of Defense to launch satellites for military communications and intelligence collection, a business that has expanded under President Joe Biden, despite Mr. Musk’s often frosty relations with the current administration. (Mr. Musk has also drawn attention for his regular contacts with Russian President Vladimir Putin, before and during the election campaign.)
These deepening ties speak to SpaceX’s competitive advantage in a time of increasing military competition in space, says David Burbach, an associate professor of national security affairs at the U.S. Naval War College. But that same advantage – providing a service that other defense companies can’t match – makes SpaceX a larger-than-life partner for the Pentagon.
“I think even the Biden administration feels that SpaceX has been so important and is providing such leap-ahead technology that, I think, the administration has been willing to give Musk a pass where they might not in some other situations,” he says.
Of course, defense companies have long lobbied lawmakers and executives to look favorably on their businesses and the federal contracts that sustain them. But their political donations and support are typically spread across the aisle and conducted quietly behind the scenes, says Professor Burbach, who noted that these are his personal views.
“You don’t see the CEO of Boeing literally jumping up and down with the candidate at a rally, whether it be a Democrat or a Republican,” he says. “You know, maybe in a sense, it’s a little more honest and open with Musk.”
Mr. Musk is unlikely to seek any Cabinet role requiring him to step back from running his companies and possibly divest his holdings. If he did that, the closest historical analog might be Andrew Mellon, the banking and steel tycoon who served as treasury secretary under three Republican presidents in the 1920s and ’30s.
“He was one of the richest and most prominent businessmen in the country. And he really did define the nature of governance for that whole decade,” says Professor Schulman.
President Warren Harding praised Mr. Mellon as the “ubiquitous financier of the universe,” after he poured money into the president’s 1920 campaign. Mr. Mellon’s promise to hand off his companies while serving in government proved empty. He controlled a monopoly on aluminum supplied to a growing aerospace sector, and he shaped tax policies that swelled his personal fortune. His reputation later cratered in the Great Depression after lawmakers in Congress exposed his self-dealing.
By tapping Mr. Musk to remake the federal bureaucracy, Mr. Trump is also, in some ways, following in the footsteps of leaders like President Bill Clinton, who in 1993 put Vice President Al Gore in charge of a National Performance Review. The effort spanned Mr. Clinton’s two terms and led to a reduction in the federal workforce and of internal regulations.
But reformers usually speak about improving public administration, says William Howell, a politics professor at the University of Chicago who directs its Center for Effective Government. What’s different about the incoming administration is that “it employs the language of laying waste to an administrative state that it finds corrupt and noxious.”
Both Mr. Trump and Mr. Musk “gesture towards efficiency,” he says. But their real interest “is dramatically curtailing the reach of the administrative state and cutting regulations.”
Mr. Musk’s companies are the subject of multiple federal workplace and product safety investigations.
Last year, Reuters published an investigation into deaths and injuries at SpaceX facilities that detailed a chaotic workplace where routine safety procedures were skipped to meet Mr. Musk’s deadlines for rocket launches. After Mr. Trump’s reelection, a former SpaceX official told Reuters that Mr. Musk “sees the Trump administration as the vehicle for getting rid of as many regulations as he can, so he can do whatever he wants, as fast as he wants.”
Jordan Barab, who served as deputy assistant secretary of labor under President Barack Obama, says Mr. Musk’s idea of making government more efficient will likely prove self-serving and hazardous, given his past defiance of health and safety standards, including at Tesla’s factory in California.
“He gives the impression that he thinks of himself as kind of a master of the universe, above all these pesky government regulators,” Mr. Barab says. “He puts the efficiency of his companies over the health and safety of his workers.”
Mr. Musk has denied that his companies provide an unsafe work environment. But he also voices frustration with regulations that he sees as unnecessary or ill-suited to technological innovation, particularly in the development and launching of SpaceX rockets. He has framed this tension as existential in the context of his stated goal of colonizing Mars.
“America is being smothered by ever larger mountains of irrational regulations from ever more new agencies that serve no purpose apart from the aggrandizement of bureaucrats,’’ he wrote on X. “Humanity, and life as we know it, are doomed to extinction without significant regulatory reform. We need to become a multiplanet civilization and a spacefaring species!”
How long Mr. Musk will stay focused on Mr. Trump’s efficiency agenda remains to be seen. Neither man seems prepared to dedicate themselves to making “thoroughgoing change in something as extensive and complicated as the federal bureaucracy,” says Professor Schulman. A more likely scenario, he believes, is the creation of a commission that gets a lot of attention and then quietly fades from view.
Podcaster Joe Rogan posed a similar question during an interview with Mr. Musk last month. “How are you going to have the time to oversee all this [expletive]?” Mr. Rogan asked. To which Mr. Musk replied: “I’m pretty good at improving efficiency.”
In April 2022, Mr. Musk decided on an impulse to purchase Twitter for $44 billion amid rising controversy over its content-moderation policies that conservatives decried as censorship. At the time, he was among the platform’s most prominent users.
He discussed his acquisition that month over dinner with four of his sons, according to Walter Isaacson’s biography, published last year. Mr. Musk told them he wanted Twitter to be more of an inclusive public square, adding, “How else are we going to get Trump elected in 2024?”
“It was a joke,” wrote Mr Isaacson. “But with Musk, it was sometimes hard to tell, even for his kids. Maybe even for himself.”
Mr. Musk had previously described himself as socially liberal and said that he donated to Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama. As he told Mr. Rogan last month: “I was on the left until three years ago.”
His political journey to Mr. Trump’s side appears to have started during the COVID-19 pandemic when he chafed at public health closures of Tesla’s factory in California. He also became a critic of what he calls the “woke mind virus” in society, particularly around gender identity. He has a transgender daughter, Vivian, who transitioned in 2020 at age 16. The two are estranged; Mr. Musk says he “lost” his son to gender surgery that he claims he was tricked into approving. In total, he has 11 children, born to three mothers.
Under his ownership, Twitter, which he renamed X, reinstated Mr. Trump’s account, which had been banned from the platform, as well as several right-wing firebrands. Critics say the platform has largely stopped policing misinformation.
Mr. Musk publicly declared his backing for Mr. Trump after the former president survived an assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania, on July 13. X leaned hard into the campaign, amplifying positive messages about Mr. Trump and other Republicans at the expense of Democrats, according to The Washington Post. Other research has found Mr. Musk’s own posts have also been boosted on X. Analysts say the increasingly right-wing tilt on X could also reflect the exodus of liberal users under Mr. Musk’s ownership.
Critics accuse Mr. Musk, who has over 200 million followers, of spreading false claims about election fraud and other Trump talking points. He repeatedly argued on X and elsewhere that Democrats were deliberately encouraging illegal immigration as part of a plot to boost their party’s prospects at the ballot box (only citizens can legally vote in federal elections). His claims that Democrats are “importing” migrants into swing states to engineer future majorities also echo the racist “Great Replacement” conspiracy theory.
Mr. Trump owns his own digital platform, Truth Social, though his posts there were reposted on X during the campaign. That technically puts the two men in competition for social media clicks, while Mr. Musk has ambitions for X to become a digital-payments platform.
Critics have pointed to X’s loss in advertising revenue and vertiginous drop in valuation since Mr. Musk took it private as an example of his Midas touch deserting him. But his vast wealth means that he can afford to subsidize X to sustain its political reach, just as media tycoons prop up loss-making news outlets that have influence over public life.
Amazon founder Jeff Bezos owns a space company that competes with SpaceX for rocket launches. He also owns The Washington Post, which made him a target for Mr. Trump during his first term. The newspaper’s editorial board reacted furiously when he axed its planned endorsement of Vice President Harris, arguing that The Post should remain politically neutral. After Mr. Trump won a second term, Mr. Bezos publicly congratulated him on “an extraordinary political comeback” and wished him success in “leading and uniting” the country.
The message was posted on X.
• Biden and Trump meet: President Joe Biden hosts President-elect Donald Trump at the White House for a meeting designed to demonstrate a smooth transition between administrations.
• China’s mass killing: Authorities in Zhuhai are removing wreaths, candles, and other offerings laid at the scene of the deadliest mass killing in the country in a decade as the government scrambles to respond and censor online reactions.
• Senate rushes on judges: The U.S. Senate’s Democratic majority begins a crusade to confirm as many new federal judges as possible to avoid leaving vacancies that Republican Donald Trump could fill after taking office Jan. 20.
• Guardian quits X: British news publisher The Guardian says it will no longer post to X, citing “disturbing content” on the social media platform, including racism and conspiracy theories.
• U.S. prohibits flights to Haiti: The Federal Aviation Administration is prohibiting U.S. airlines from flying to Haiti for 30 days after gangs shot at two planes.
By picking South Dakota Sen. John Thune as majority leader, Senate Republicans elevated an institutionally minded, old-school conservative. Mr. Thune promised to enact President-elect Donald Trump’s agenda.
As President-elect Donald Trump made his triumphal return to the U.S. capital Wednesday, he and his allies got a clear reminder that the old establishment guard of the Republican Party isn’t quite dead yet – and remains a force he’ll need to reckon with.
South Dakota Sen. John Thune was elected the new Senate majority leader by his GOP peers Wednesday, choosing an old-guard conservative who’s occasionally been willing to break with Mr. Trump, rather than a MAGA standard-bearer.
After 17 years under Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell, the longest-serving Senate leader in U.S. history, Senate Republicans had the option of going in a more MAGA direction with Sen. Rick Scott of Florida. Instead, they picked a close ally of the outgoing leader.
The choice in Senate leadership may only matter so much. Senate Republicans are likely to be fairly deferential to Mr. Trump’s Cabinet picks and other nominees. And Mr. Thune made clear he plans to work closely with the White House.
But Mr. Thune says he won’t support eliminating the filibuster, the 60-vote threshold required for most major legislation. Mr. Trump has called in the past to get rid of that rule.
As President-elect Donald Trump made his triumphal return to the U.S. capital Wednesday, he and his allies got a clear reminder that the old establishment guard of the Republican Party isn’t quite dead yet – and remains a force he’ll need to reckon with.
South Dakota Sen. John Thune was elected the new Senate majority leader by his GOP peers Wednesday, putting the upper chamber of Congress in the charge of an institutionally minded, old-school conservative who’s occasionally been willing to break with Mr. Trump.
After 17 years under Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell, the longest-serving Senate leader in U.S. history, Senate Republicans had the option of going in a more MAGA (“Make America Great Again”) direction. Instead, they picked a close ally of the outgoing leader.
The GOP vote occurred as Mr. Trump was meeting at the White House with outgoing President Joe Biden, who promised a peaceful transition of power. Earlier in the day, Mr. Trump took a victory lap at a meeting with House Republicans.
The choice in Senate leadership may only matter so much. Senate Republicans are likely to be fairly deferential to Mr. Trump’s Cabinet picks and other nominees, and there was very little daylight between them and Mr. Trump on judicial nominees in his first term. And Mr. Thune has worked to build his relationship with Mr. Trump in recent years.
Mr. Thune made clear he plans to work closely with the White House.
“This Republican team is united. We are one team. We’re excited to reclaim the majority and to get to work with our colleagues in the House to enact President Trump’s agenda,” Mr. Thune said at a press conference shortly after securing the top position. He pledged to “deliver on President Trump’s priorities,” and said he and the GOP “will do everything we can” to process Mr. Trump’s Cabinet nominations quickly.
But it wasn’t just Mr. Thune’s victory but the poor showing by the MAGA favorite in the race that signaled most Senate Republicans are still a breed apart from hardcore Trumpers.
Florida Sen. Rick Scott, a close Trump ally who had endorsements from some of Mr. Trump’s most vocal supporters both on and off Capitol Hill, won just 13 votes in the secret ballot. He finished third in the contest, behind Mr. Thune, who had 23 votes on the first ballot, and Texas Sen. John Cornyn, another establishment-leaning lawmaker. Mr. Thune then won on the second ballot over Mr. Cornyn by 29-24.
Mr. Scott only won three more votes in this contest than the 10 he got when he ran against Senator McConnell two years ago as a protest candidate.
Mr. Trump has a much closer relationship to Mr. Scott than to either Mr. Thune or Mr. Cornyn, but stayed neutral in this race. Mr. Trump hates to back a loser and rarely endorses in races he doesn’t think he can win.
That didn’t stop some of Mr. Trump’s closest allies from lobbying for Mr. Scott. He was endorsed by some top MAGA allies, including billionaire businessman Elon Musk, Republican National Convention co-Chair Lara Trump (the president’s daughter-in-law), and former Fox News host Tucker Carlson – along with a loud online push from MAGA keyboard warriors.
These races often turn on personality and relationships more than on pure ideology, and both Mr. Thune and Mr. Cornyn had spent decades building those friendships and helping out other lawmakers both in their Capitol Hill work and in winning elections. Mr. Scott, who has only been a senator since 2018, tends to keep to himself more. He is best known by his colleagues for running Senate Republicans’ campaign efforts in 2022, when Republicans underperformed after a field of flawed candidates blew winnable races, and for pitching a plan to raise taxes on low-income Americans. The latter caught his GOP colleagues by surprise and became a campaign weapon against the party.
The Senate GOP has gotten much Trumpier in the eight years since Mr. Trump first won office. Most of the Republicans who were willing to buck him in his first term have been replaced by others who are much more loyal to the incoming president. But Senate Republicans are expected to only have a 53-47 majority, just one seat more than they held when Mr. Trump first became president in 2017.
And like then, they have two independent-leaning moderates in Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, who defeated a Trump-backed primary challenger in 2022, and Maine Sen. Susan Collins. Neither is a surefire vote on controversial issues. That makes the margin of error pretty small on key legislative votes. Mr. Thune also stated unequivocally Wednesday that he wouldn’t support eliminating the filibuster, the 60-vote threshold required for most major legislation. Mr. Trump has called in the past to get rid of that rule.
While it appears that Republicans will hold on to control of the House of Representatives, it will likely be by just a handful of seats, much slimmer than when Mr. Trump won in 2016.
North Carolina Sen. Thom Tillis, a Republican up for reelection in two years, told the Monitor to expect “the typical tug and pull” between the White House and Congress over priorities and specific policies.
“President Trump’s going to try to push his agenda,” he says. “We’re going to work it out and make sure it’s good for everybody – and particularly good for the midterms.”
After a record defeat in Britain's last parliamentary election, many Conservatives decided that they needed to be more populist and right-wing. Their selection of Kemi Badenoch as party leader locks in that agenda.
The United Kingdom’s Conservative Party has a new leader. But while she may be a Black woman and a former McDonald’s employee, Kemi Badenoch shares more politically with Donald Trump than with Kamala Harris.
Ms. Badenoch lived in the Nigerian city of Lagos until she was 16, when her parents sent her to the U.K. for university. “People often ask what made me a Conservative and there was no one thing,” she said in an interview. “But part of it was being at Sussex among snotty, middle-class north Londoners.”
Today, Ms. Badenoch is well-known for her vocal stance on “culture war” causes. She has criticized the Black Lives Matter movement, opposed letting people self-identify as transgender, and said that “not all cultures are equally valid” when it comes to deciding who should be allowed into the U.K.
Those positions have fired up hopes among Tories that Ms. Badenoch will win back voters who abandoned the Conservative Party in the last election.
“She actually reminds me of Ronald Reagan,” says Gareth Lyon, a Conservative local councilor. “Reagan was able to build a coalition, not by pandering, not by trying to make everyone happy, but by starting from what he believed in. That’s what I’ve seen in Kemi.”
Many politicians would shrink from the task that lies ahead of the United Kingdom’s Conservative Party: bouncing back from a historic defeat in the country’s July 2024 general election.
But Kemi Badenoch, the Tories’ newly elected leader, is unafraid of a fight.
The first Black woman to lead a major British political party, Ms. Badenoch is known for a straight-talking, no-nonsense approach that sometimes strays into the combative.
Many Conservatives hope that her energy, as well as her staunch “anti-woke” platform, will rejuvenate the party’s flagging political fortunes – out of power for the first time in 14 years, with a record-low number of seats in Parliament.
Yet others fear that her uncompromising, often Trumpian approach will pull the party further to the right, deepening divides and alienating the centrist voters whom the party hopes to recapture.
Ms. Badenoch was born in London but grew up in an affluent family in the Nigerian city of Lagos. She lived there until she was 16, when her parents sent her to the U.K. to avoid the increasingly unstable political situation at home. As a teenager, Ms. Badenoch worked at McDonald’s to fund her studies, which earned her a degree in computer systems engineering at the University of Sussex.
Ms. Badenoch has described these experiences as the bedrock of her political worldview – one which is staunchly right-wing. In an interview with the Daily Mail, she described Nigeria as a country where she “never felt safe,” feeding her appreciation for order and security in the U.K.
The politician says her time at college – surrounded by those she described as “stupid, lefty white kids” – also fed her conservative views. “People often ask what made me a Conservative and there was no one thing,” she told The Times of London in one interview. “But part of it was being at Sussex among snotty, middle-class north Londoners.”
Today, Ms. Badenoch is well-known for her vocal stance on what her supporters call “culture war” causes. She has criticized the Black Lives Matter movement, opposed letting people self-identify as transgender, and said that “not all cultures are equally valid” when it comes to deciding who should be allowed into the U.K.
Those positions have fired up hopes among Tories that Ms. Badenoch will win back voters who abandoned the Conservative Party in favor of the populist Reform UK, which enjoyed unprecedented success at the general election by running on an anti-immigration platform.
Others believe that Ms. Badenoch’s bluntness will also play well with voters who are tired of politicians trotting out vague platitudes.
“I think [Ms. Badenoch] is really good at getting her message across in a clear, coherent, and meaningful way,” says Gareth Lyon, a Conservative local councilor in Rushmoor, in southern England, who voted for Ms. Badenoch in the party members’ leadership vote. He says that since Ms. Badenoch’s election, a surge of new members have joined his local party branch.
“She actually reminds me of Ronald Reagan,” says Mr. Lyon. “Something about her is inspiring. Reagan was able to build a coalition, not by pandering, not by trying to make everyone happy, but by starting from what he believed in. That’s what I’ve seen in Kemi.”
This straight-talking approach could backfire. The “culture war” issues that have earned Ms. Badenoch admiration from some voters are bound to alienate others. She is expected to take the party’s policies firmly to the right, a move which could put off more moderate Conservative voters.
But for now, it is a risk that the Conservative Party is willing to take.
Much will depend on Ms. Badenoch’s next steps. Her leadership bid did not reveal concrete policies, but rather self-described “core principles,” such as personal responsibility, family, and truth.
As a result, Ms. Badenoch has a largely blank slate on which to work. She remains mostly unfamiliar to the electorate: Polling by YouGov in the run-up to the leadership vote found that 43% of Britons simply didn’t know how they felt about her.
Ms. Badenoch may be “straight-talking” – but her impact on the electorate will still depend on the issues and policies she chooses to champion, says Ben Worthy, a lecturer in politics at Birkbeck College, University of London. While Ms. Badenoch has built her reputation on “anti-woke” issues, topics such as trans rights have little traction with voters, he says.
“It could be that she’s going to be ‘straight-talking’ on immigration; there is a segment of voters who are very interested in immigration,” says Dr. Worthy. “But most of these voters are already Conservatives.”
To win back voters, Ms. Badenoch will need to both diagnose and remedy what led the Conservatives to implode at the last general election.
Polling shows that two events in particular damaged the Conservative Party’s reputation, says Dr. Worthy: the Partygate scandal, when then-Prime Minister Boris Johnson held a Downing Street Christmas get-together in violation of COVID-19 pandemic restrictions, and the tenure of Liz Truss, a prime minister best known for unpopular economic policies and being compared to a lettuce.
“It’s a mixture of immorality and incompetence,” says Dr. Worthy.
Her strong moral stances may position Ms. Badenoch well to tackle at least some of these problems. But the road ahead is likely to be long. With just 121 members of Parliament compared with 411 from the ruling Labour Party, the Conservative Party is extremely unlikely to be able to reverse its fortunes in a single term.
Under these circumstances, consistency will be key, rather than simple answers or even fiery rhetoric. Ms. Badenoch must be able to unite rather than divide in a British political scene that is still fractured and unstable. The Conservative Party itself has burned through six leaders in less than a decade.
For now, it is a challenge that Ms. Badenoch’s supporters believe she is more than capable of meeting.
“If you try and be all things to all people, it might work for a short period of time,” says Mr. Lyon. “But people will end up treating you with contempt because you’ll be neither hot or cold, but lukewarm and good for nothing.”
In times of peace, Lebanon’s stability depends on a frail political balance. Now for many Lebanese enduring a punishing war with Israel, Hezbollah’s unique status as a heavily armed state-within-a-state is increasingly a problem.
Iran-backed Hezbollah has wielded immense military and political power in Lebanon, presenting itself as the defender of Lebanese sovereignty. But it has been substantially weakened by Israel, and the war’s destruction has afflicted every Lebanese sect.
“There is a rising tide of anger [against Hezbollah] among Shias, but also amongst the broader Lebanese social fabric,” says Maha Yahya, director of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut.
Days after Israel struck a Shiite enclave in the northern town of Deir Billa, scattering shreds of $100 bills, a Christian resident who gave the name Samir voiced suspicions of Hezbollah’s local aims.
“My concern is why they have guns in our areas,” he says. “It’s far away from Israel and the border. ... Those weapons give power over us.”
Makram Rabah, an assistant professor at the American University of Beirut, says Hezbollah’s endurance requires broad grassroots support.
“Hezbollah’s supernarrative is that they have the ability to defend Lebanon, and defend the Shiites, and ultimately liberate Palestine. None of these credos have been effective,” he says. “You have 1.3 million displaced people who will never go back unless Hezbollah disarms. We won’t give them money this time to turn our villages again into bunkers and into ammunition depots.”
Usually far from the war’s front lines, the Christian residents of this quiet mountain village in northern Lebanon are still traumatized by the Oct. 12 blast that turned two houses to rubble in a tiny Shiite enclave in their midst.
The targeted Israeli strike, which reportedly killed three people, shook the hillside like an earthquake – and produced a cloud of shredded bits of $100 bills that witnesses suggest may have been a Hezbollah stash of cash.
The incident, which deepened Lebanon’s sectarian divide, underscored the increasingly high political cost paid by Iran-backed Hezbollah for its destructive war with Israel.
Hezbollah has wielded immense power in Lebanon for decades. But it has been substantially weakened by a string of shocks from Israel, ranging from exploding pagers that wounded thousands of its operatives to airstrikes that killed 20 of its top leaders and commanders.
Thousands of airstrikes have targeted its missile arsenal and even its banking system, and a ground incursion has revealed networks of tunnels near Israel’s border. As a result, swaths of territory have been demolished, afflicting every Lebanese sect.
“There is a rising tide of anger [against Hezbollah] among Shias, but also amongst the broader Lebanese social fabric,” says Maha Yahya, director of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. “There is a lot of tension on the ground today, and the prospect of civil strife is quite high.”
In Deir Billa the day after the strike, local Shiites swept debris off the road beside a small mosque. Roofs and walls of two homes across the narrow street were obliterated, their interiors exposed. Two men, including a Hezbollah civil defense worker, hung a Lebanese flag atop the rubble and retrieved a prayer rug with an image of Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Traced in the powdery dust on the hood of a damaged car are the words in Arabic, “We are here for you, Nasrallah,” in reference to the Hezbollah chief assassinated by Israel in a series of explosions in Beirut in September.
Among the 1.3 million people displaced from Hezbollah strongholds in the south and east of the country, some Shiites have recently found their way to this community, making residents wary.
“We are a peaceful village, but when strangers come, refugees – we don’t know them – then trouble starts,” says Toni, a Christian whose family home sits a few hundred yards away from the two targeted buildings. “We have nothing to do with this war. ... So this was a shock to us.” He declined to give his family name.
“Trust me, before this happened, we were friends,” says Toni, speaking of his targeted Shiite neighbors. “There was nothing bad about the [Shiite] people who lived there for years, for 100 years. We are talking about the newcomers.”
Yet some residents voiced concern over what they say have been Hezbollah’s long-term aims in their community. “Our friends, they don’t show it, but they support [Hezbollah] in their hearts,” says another Christian, who gives the name Samir. “For a long time, Hezbollah is supporting them financially to make a base for them here, maybe to take over the area.
“We believe they had weapons here a while ago,” he adds. “My concern is why they have guns in our areas. It’s far away from Israel and the border. It’s against us [Christians]. Those weapons give power over us.”
In years past, Hezbollah enjoyed widespread popular support in Lebanon, often well beyond its Shiite base, for its self-declared role as the armed defender of Lebanese sovereignty. But in the past two decades, periodic resentment of the group has sharpened into more widespread hatred, owing to an increasing number of events linked to Hezbollah even before this hugely destructive war, which many Lebanese see as unnecessary.
Those include the 2005 assassination of popular Sunni Prime Minister Rafik Hariri; a costly all-out war with Israel in 2006; the use of force against political opponents and rival sects; and the massive 2020 Beirut port explosion, which killed more than 200 people and left hundreds of thousands homeless.
Hezbollah operatives also helped violently suppress the anti-corruption, anti-sectarian protests of the October 2019 revolution.
For Lebanese exhausted by chronic state failures and economic collapse, Hezbollah’s unique status as a heavily armed state-within-a-state is increasingly a key part of the problem, not of the solution.
Some now see the first chance in years of changing Lebanon’s internal political equation.
“What is visible to me is that other political parties in Lebanon are trying to capitalize on this, seeing this as an opportunity not only to undermine Hezbollah, but also to reassert their position within the political system,” says Carnegie’s Ms. Yahya. The party “still has 13 members of parliament, so the political framework, the political scaffolding is still there.”
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sought to deepen divisions on Oct. 8, warning Lebanese in a videotaped message to sideline Hezbollah or risk civil war.
“Christians, Druze, Muslims – Sunni and Shia – all of you are suffering because of Hezbollah’s futile war against Israel,” he said. “You have an opportunity to save Lebanon before it falls into the abyss of a long war that will lead to destruction and suffering like we see in Gaza,” Mr. Netanyahu said. “Stand up and take your country back.”
While few Lebanese will heed any warning from the Israeli leader, it highlights the fragility of Hezbollah’s position.
“Hezbollah is destroyed not as a faction, but as an idea,” says Makram Rabah, an assistant professor of history and archaeology at the American University of Beirut. “Hezbollah’s supernarrative is that they have the ability to defend Lebanon, and defend the Shiites, and ultimately liberate Palestine. None of these credos have been effective.”
As long as Hezbollah keeps firing at Israel, “They can still claim that they have the capacity to fight,” he says. But Hezbollah has lost politically by forgetting its endurance requires grassroots support, beyond the Shiite community.
“People who were hesitant to take them on believed for some time that these [Hezbollah] weapons could defend Lebanon,” says Dr. Rabah. “Now they have proved that they could not even defend themselves.”
Yet while Hezbollah may be knocked off its pedestal, it continues to fire rockets and battle Israeli forces.
More and more Lebanese – like the Christians of Deir Billa, for instance, and many disillusioned Shiites – say the Lebanese army should be made strong enough to deploy all the way to the southern border.
Hezbollah “are trying to simply play out the clock, because they believe that they can win by points,” says Dr. Rabah. “It’s a David and Goliath thing. You don’t really need to defeat Goliath; you just need to sidestep him until something happens.”
It is not clear what that “something” may be, with U.S. President-elect Donald Trump likely to give Israel even more leeway than the Biden administration has to strike Hezbollah. But inside Lebanon, the political reckoning has begun.
“You have 1.3 million displaced people who will never go back unless Hezbollah disarms,” says Dr. Rabah. “We won’t give them money this time to turn our villages again into bunkers and into ammunition depots.”
Polls show most Americans view climate change as a threat, but they put pocketbook concerns first. A test for whether the clean energy transition can succeed is by tying it to economic benefits.
The next president of the United States will be someone who campaigned on relying more on fossil fuels, not less.
That result may seem counterintuitive, given that most Americans see climate change as a threat and believe human actions are the cause of it.
But it’s also not surprising, say many who study the issue. Multiple studies have shown that most voters rank climate or energy policy well below economic concerns and other social issues when it comes to picking political candidates.
This election proved that there “is no ‘climate voter,’” says Roger Pielke Jr., a professor at the University of Colorado Boulder, and a nonresident senior fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute who has long written about climate change and policy.
“It’s up there, but it’s nowhere near immigration, inflation, the economy, and things like that,” he says.
To some extent, the nation’s transition toward cleaner energy sources is already resting on a financial rationale that goes beyond the goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Solar and wind power are economically competitive with fossil fuels.
For people who rank climate change high on their list of societal concerns, the Nov. 5 election result was a sobering one: The next president of the United States will be someone who campaigned on relying more on fossil fuels, not less.
That result may seem counterintuitive, given that most Americans see climate change as a threat and believe human actions are the cause of it.
But it’s also not surprising, say many who study the issue. Multiple studies have shown that most voters rank climate or energy policy well below economic concerns and other social issues when it comes to picking political candidates.
This election proved that there “is no ‘climate voter,’” says Roger Pielke Jr., a professor at the University of Colorado Boulder and a nonresident senior fellow at the conservative American Enterprise Institute who has long written about climate change and policy.
He and political scientist Ruy Teixeira, another American Enterprise Institute fellow, conducted a survey of voters in September and found that even those who list climate as an important issue are generally unwilling to pay extra for it.
“It is important,” says Dr. Pielke of voter opinions on climate change. “It’s up there, but it’s nowhere near immigration, inflation, the economy, and things like that.”
Climate and clean energy are important priorities, he says. But putting them into the context of economic prosperity is a far more effective approach than putting the climate goals at the forefront.
To some extent, the nation’s transition toward cleaner energy sources is already resting on a financial rationale that goes beyond the goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Solar and wind power are economically competitive with fossil fuels.
If climate advocates are reeling from the election of Donald Trump to a second term, many also hope that the country’s transition toward clean energy has become economically powerful enough to withstand a change in political power.
Indeed, the economic and energy landscape Mr. Trump is inheriting in 2024 is fundamentally different than it was in 2016, many experts say. The past eight years have seen a dramatic expansion in both solar power and other renewable technologies, as well as a growing recognition among automakers and other manufacturers that if the U.S. does not make big gains in “green” technology, the country will find itself losing even more market share to China.
“There should be nothing partisan or political about creating jobs or driving economic growth or making our air and our water a little cleaner for all of us,” says Bob Keefe, the executive director of E2, a nonpartisan group of business leaders advocating for a clean economy.
Still, throughout his campaign, Mr. Trump criticized the climate policies of the Biden administration, particularly incentives for electric vehicles. His promises of “drill baby, drill” reflect his goal of ramping up oil and gas production, even more so than the record levels under the Biden administration. He has also pledged to roll back clean power regulations.
Perhaps most influentially, Mr. Trump has talked about repealing the $437 billion Inflation Reduction Act, which he has blamed for inflation and described as the “green new scam.” But the realities of what he can – or will want to – do with that legislation is complicated.
More than 80% of the clean energy investments catalyzed by the Inflation Reduction Act – into everything from new battery or electric vehicle factories to “green cement” projects or solar plants – have gone to Republican districts. In August, a group of 18 GOP representatives sent a letter to Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, urging him to “prioritize business and market certainty as you consider efforts that repeal or reform the Inflation Reduction Act.”
While the group criticized the partisan passage of what it called a “deeply flawed bill,” the representatives also pointed out that “Energy tax credits have spurred innovation, incentivized investment, and created good jobs in many parts of the country – including many districts represented by members of our conference. ... As Republicans, we support an all-of-the-above approach to energy development and tax credits that incentivize domestic production, innovation, and delivery from all sources.”
Businesses, meanwhile, want a stable regulatory environment, says Anne Kelly, vice president for government relations at Ceres, a nonprofit and business network working on clean economy transitions. Although Mr. Trump has criticized global climate pledges and national emissions standards, those policies have kept American businesses competitive internationally.
“Businesses want certainty and predictability, and many of them have already committed to climate transition action plans,” Ms. Kelly says. “They’re already being pressured by certain European rules and regulations. ... And so, to suddenly have the U.S. jump out of the global arena – it just makes no sense. It’s disruptive.”
Scores of environmental organizations put out postelection statements criticizing Mr. Trump’s prior positions on climate change and urging increased advocacy. Yes, clean energy is good for the economy, many indicated. But addressing climate change is also important for far larger reasons.
“A changing climate affects everyone, regardless of political affiliation, and what happens over the next four years is of profound importance if we are to head off the worst harms of a warming world,” Environmental Defense Fund President Fred Krupp and Executive Director Amanda Leland said in a joint statement after the election. “The climate crisis requires seriousness and urgency – and it requires holding our government accountable. This fight is about protecting who and what we love.”
Still, if clean energy boosters see momentum behind renewable sources, they also say the policy choices under a new administration will matter.
“Will Trump slow the growth of clean energy in America and set us back in climate? Probably, but he won’t kill it,” Mr. Keefe says. “If you look at any poll of what people want in clean energy and climate action from the federal government, Republican, Democrat, whatever, they want our country to do more. The momentum is there. The need is there. The technology is there now, and the desire is there. I just hope the new president builds on that and doesn’t tear it down.”
Editor’s note: This article, originally published Nov. 8, was updated to correct the spelling of Ruy Teixeira’s name.
As delegates at COP29 express both urgency and optimism, our progress roundup takes a look at what’s been accomplished around the world to fight climate change so far.
Developers built 20.2 gigawatts of electricity generation capacity in the first half of 2024, up 21% from the same period last year.
Solar led the way at 59% of new additions, followed by battery storage at 21%, wind at 12%, nuclear at 5%, and fossil gas at 2%.
Developers were scheduled to double the pace in the second half of 2024. The total added capacity is about what’s needed to offset a 1% carbon emissions increase from the power sector this year.
Sources: Canary Media, U.S. Energy Information Administration
Without fossil fuel reserves of its own, Uruguay relied on hydropower until droughts in the early 2000s forced the government to begin importing more oil. After political consensus was achieved in 2008 for a comprehensive new plan, Uruguay’s transition took less than a decade.
Wind has grown to make up 40% of the energy mix, while solar produces 4% and represents the most potential for growth. The transition has created 50,000 jobs, or 3% of Uruguay’s labor force.
Sources: Earth.org, World Resources Institute, Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas, NPR
The backbone of the Industrial Revolution, coal powered the U.K. for 142 years. The last coal-fired plant, the Ratcliffe-on-Soar Power Station, closed Sept. 30.
Half a century ago, close to 90% of the U.K.’s electricity came from coal – known as the dirtiest fossil fuel. Britain is the largest nation to phase out coal by relying heavily on wind and solar, which supply over half of its electricity. Coal is still used for steel manufacturing.
Sources: CNN, ClientEarth
European Union countries reduced greenhouse gases by an average of 30% in that time frame.
Sweden implemented one of the world’s first carbon taxes, which lowered transport emissions by a yearly average of 6%. The Nordic country was also an early adopter of district heating, which is expensive but replaces less efficient individual heating systems. Sweden’s energy mix includes biofuels and waste, nuclear, oil, and hydropower.
Widespread public support and close government-private cooperation are credited for enabling Sweden’s environmental leadership.
Source: Deutsche Welle
Overall investment is still a fraction of what analysts say is needed for the continent to meet climate goals. But climate tech startups raised 9% more in 2023 than in 2022, tripling their fundraising from 2019, according to the funding database Africa: The Big Deal.
These companies now make up 43% of the venture funding raised by African startups, up from less than 10% in 2021. They offer services ranging from solar-powered pumps for irrigation to off-grid solar power; three-quarters of the funding supports energy and water needs.
Sources: The Economist, The Associated Press
The world’s most populous country is now the third-largest generator of solar power, behind China and the United States. Solar energy makes up one-fifth of India’s power capacity, and 87% is utility-scale, which feeds the grid.
Solar is the fastest-growing energy source, thanks to increasing affordability. The world nearly doubled its solar capacity in 2023 from 2022 and is on track to grow 29% in 2024. In 2023 alone, China installed more solar panels than any other country has in total.
Sources: Vox, PV Magazine, Ember
Research shows people underestimate support for climate action. Yet one survey of 130,000 people across 125 countries found that 89% want to see more political action addressing climate change, and 69% would be willing to pay 1% of their income to fight climate change.
Another study in 63 countries found that 86% of respondents believe in climate change, and over 70% support climate change policies.
Researchers say governments, businesses, and individuals are more likely to back policy changes if they are aware that others are also in favor.
Source: Our World in Data
When young people in America are disgruntled with their economic prospects, they can vote against the ruling party. In the Nov. 5 election, for example, men under 30 years old opted against incumbent Democrats. Yet in China, where elections are nil, what do unhappy youth do?
They ride bikes at night. En masse.
On Nov. 8, more than 100,000 university students – many with grim hopes of finding a job – pedaled more than 30 miles from Zhengzhou in central China to Kaifeng. The nocturnal spin was for the joy it. Yet many of the riders were also glad to be part of a mass movement that expressed their values. In the days that followed, young people in other Chinese cities began to copy this exuberant expression of freedom by taking nighttime rides together.
One of the riders to Kaifeng, Xia Tian, said, “When I saw a night cycling event, it looked so spirited and free. I decided to tell my friend and join in and unwind. Everyone was so polite, cheering each other, and even people at the intersections were giving us encouragement.”
The pedalers and their supporters were living democracy. Even if they don’t live in one.
When young people in America are disgruntled with their economic prospects, they can vote against the ruling party. In the Nov. 5 election, for example, men under 30 years old opted against incumbent Democrats. Yet in China, where elections are nil, what do unhappy youth do?
They ride bikes at night. En masse.
On Nov. 8, more than 100,000 university students – many with grim hopes of finding a job – pedaled more than 30 miles from Zhengzhou in central China to the historic city of Kaifeng. The nocturnal spin, mostly on rental bikes, was for the joy of it. At first, the Chinese Communist Party praised the spontaneous swarm of bright-eyed bicyclists. Kaifeng is known for its soup dumplings, its ancient temples, and a theme park. Tourists are welcomed.
Yet many of the riders were also glad to be part of a mass movement that expressed their values. “Young people in mainland China are very eager to take part in public life,” Zhengzhou-based teacher Li Na told Radio Free Asia.
They are also well connected through social media. In the days that followed, young people in other Chinese cities began to copy this exuberant expression of freedom by taking nighttime rides together. The ruling party’s security forces quickly put an end to all the fun.
Any large gathering outside the party’s control, especially among youth, is seen as a threat. In 1989, the Tiananmen Square pro-democracy protests were led by students. Many had biked to the Beijing square.
Today’s young Chinese people know the limits of staging protests driven by fear or anger, even if they are experiencing record-high unemployment. Instead, their public expressions are often affirming, even joyful.
“I want to be a normal person in an abnormal society,” one woman told China expert Ian Johnson in a book last year about the country’s unofficial historians. “I want to be able to say truthful things and express what’s in my heart.”
The real foes of the Communist Party, writes Mr. Johnson, are “the lasting values of Chinese civilization,” such as righteousness and freedom of thought. “As strong as the party is, is it stronger than these deep reservoirs of resilience?” he asks. Independent thought lives in China, he states, and has not been crushed.
When China’s leader Xi Jinping said after taking power in 2012 that young people should dream big, he probably did not imagine they would take night rides by the tens of thousands. One of the riders to Kaifeng, Xia Tian, told the Australian Broadcasting Corp., “I’ve been feeling a bit down and anxious lately, and when I saw a night cycling event, it looked so spirited and free.
“I decided to tell my friend and join in and unwind.
“Everyone was so polite, cheering each other, and even people at the intersections were giving us encouragement.”
The pedalers and their supporters were living democracy. Even if they don’t live in one.
Each weekday, the Monitor includes one clearly labeled religious article offering spiritual insight on contemporary issues, including the news. The publication – in its various forms – is produced for anyone who cares about the progress of the human endeavor around the world and seeks news reported with compassion, intelligence, and an essentially constructive lens. For many, that caring has religious roots. For many, it does not. The Monitor has always embraced both audiences. The Monitor is owned by a church – The First Church of Christ, Scientist, in Boston – whose founder was concerned with both the state of the world and the quality of available news.
We’re all innately capable of seeing ourselves the way God, divine Love, created us – which empowers us to love ourselves and our neighbors in ways that heal and bless.
We often hear that it is important to love yourself – that to love others we first must love ourselves. But what does that mean?
Most world religions teach that we should “do to others whatever you would like them to do to you” (Matthew 7:12, New Living Translation). Christian churches call this the Golden Rule that Christ Jesus taught. He also taught, “Love your neighbor as yourself” and said this was the second of two great commandments. The first, and greatest, is, “You must love the Lord your God with all your heart, all your soul, and all your mind” (Matthew 22:37-39, NLT).
In the context of these biblical commandments, loving ourselves means much more than just feeling good about who we are – and it doesn’t mean we’re being selfish. It’s a divine demand to understand and love our true selfhood as we grow in our understanding of and love for God. The Bible’s book of First John states, “God is love” (4:16) and the Christian Science textbook expands on this: “‘God is Love.’ More than this we cannot ask, higher we cannot look, farther we cannot go” (Mary Baker Eddy, “Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures,” p. 6).
To love ourselves is to know our true individuality as the expression of God, infinite Spirit – to know our true, spiritual nature.
When we love ourselves in this way, we naturally feel close to God. We find ourselves more receptive to the care and love God has for us. There are three aspects to these two great commandments: love for God, love for our neighbor, and love for ourselves. Together, they are like a three-legged stool. Our love stands secure when it is grounded on all three legs. As we love God more, “we love him, because he first loved us” (I John 4:19), and we find we can naturally love both others and ourselves more.
As our love for God is increasingly expressed in love for others, we lose any sense that such love could be burdensome or selective because it is rooted in God, infinite Love. We may not like everyone we meet, but we can love them by seeing them as God sees them. And the same goes for loving ourselves. For example, we may not like that we get impatient too often, but as we are receptive to God’s love for us, a human sense of our identity as an impatient mortal yields to the divine, perfect (and patient) creation of God that we each truly are.
This takes loving to a higher level than finite, personal love. It also keeps us from thinking we will love ourselves more “when”: when we lose weight, when we find a different job, when we find someone to marry, etc.
The better we understand God, the better we see our true self – not in terms of human personality traits, but as the offspring of God. We can never be separate from God, good, and can realize our completeness as a divine idea of the infinite divine Mind, God.
Science and Health states, referring to the true identity of each of us, “Man is idea, the image, of Love; he is not physique. He is the compound idea of God, including all right ideas; ...” (p. 475). As we know God better, we see our identity more in terms of spiritual, God-derived qualities such as unselfishness, joy, confidence, and equanimity.
Our human history of faults and unlovely traits may seem a temporary roadblock to loving ourselves, but it can’t keep us from experiencing love. Christian Science explains mortal characteristics such as fear, doubt, self-condemnation, and human will as counterfeits of our spiritual identity as Love’s image. Because God cannot create something unlike divinity, these kinds of traits begin to lose their hold on us as we correct them, and this results in healing.
After I’d been praying along these lines for some time, a health problem I’d been struggling with for a few years suddenly yielded. I also lost quite a bit of excess weight that was related to the problem, without specifically changing the way I ate or my level of activity. What shifted was the depth of knowing that as we love ourselves, we know we are the ever-shining idea of infinite Love, reflecting unselfishness, goodness, and innocence. Knowing this helps us have greater love and compassion for others that overflows to the world.
Because God loves all of us limitlessly and permanently, we always have a basis from which to love. And this blesses not only those in our experience and beyond but us, too.
Adapted from an editorial published in the Oct. 28, 2024, issue of the Christian Science Sentinel.
Thank you for spending time with the Monitor Daily. Tomorrow, we’ll take you Pokrovsk, Ukraine, which is hanging on, months after Russian forces began advancing on the city.
Also, a quick note: A story on nostalgia for relics of East Germany, published Nov. 8, misspelled a German word. The correct spelling is Ampelmännchen.